Israel Just Voted — And the Real Fight for Power Hasn’t Even Started

Israelis cast their ballots on 27 October 2026 in the first national election since the Hamas-led attack of 7 October 2023 and the war that followed. All 120 Knesset seats were up for grabs, and the vote has been widely framed as a referendum on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s long run in office. But as with every Israeli election, the count itself only sets up the real contest: Israel election coalition math, which decides who actually governs.

A race too close to call on its own

Pre-election polling, summarised by Al Jazeera, put the opposition bloc at around 52 projected seats against roughly 50 for Netanyahu’s religious-nationalist alliance of Likud, Jewish Power and Religious Zionism. Neither side was projected to reach the 61 seats needed for a majority. That gap is the whole story here: defeating Netanyahu at the ballot box, if that is even what happened, does not automatically remove him from power.

The opposition side is not a single party but a loose alliance. Yashar, the Democrats, Yisrael Beytenu and the Together alliance signed a non-aggression pact in September 2026 specifically to avoid splitting the anti-Netanyahu vote. Yashar’s Gadi Eisenkot is seen as the group’s likeliest candidate for prime minister, with Naftali Bennett of Together also mentioned as an alternative.

Why Israel election coalition math runs through two small parties

As reference tracking of the race shows, the Joint List and Ra’am, which together represent Palestinian citizens of Israel, are projected to win about 13 seats. In a Knesset where neither major bloc clears 61 on its own, that bloc of seats could end up deciding who forms the next government, whether by joining a coalition directly or by backing one from outside without taking cabinet posts. Most opposition leaders have so far rejected governing with Ra’am inside the coalition, which narrows an already tight path.

This is where Israel’s electoral system does its real work. Under proportional representation, no single party has ever won an outright Knesset majority, so every government since the state’s founding has been a negotiated coalition. The prime minister is not chosen directly by voters on election day; Knesset members effectively choose afterward, through weeks of bargaining over ministries, policy commitments and, often, personal rivalries.

The paths that are actually on the table

Several outcomes remain plausible once the final results are certified. A Netanyahu-led government is still possible if his bloc can find even a handful of additional seats through defections or late deals. An opposition-led majority is possible if Eisenkot or Bennett’s camp can stitch together support without relying on Ra’am’s votes inside the coalition. A minority government, propped up from outside by Arab-led parties that don’t take ministries, is a third route that has precedent in Israeli politics. A national unity government, or a rotating premiership arrangement between rival blocs, remains a longer-shot fourth option.

If none of that works, Israel would likely head to yet another election, a familiar pattern in a country that went to the polls five times between 2019 and 2022 alone. Netanyahu would stay on as caretaker prime minister in the meantime, which is itself a form of leverage in the negotiations to come.

What to watch next

The real signal in the days ahead will not be the headline seat count but which smaller parties start talking to which larger ones. Watch whether Shas and United Torah Judaism, the ultra-Orthodox parties that have both joined and abandoned Netanyahu’s coalitions before, swing toward him or stay on the sidelines. Watch whether Ra’am is offered any formal role or kept firmly outside the room. And watch how long the process takes: Israeli coalition talks have dragged on for months before, and a drawn-out negotiation is itself a kind of outcome, leaving Netanyahu in charge by default while his rivals try to agree on who should replace him.

Frequently asked questions

When is Israel’s 2026 election and why does it matter?
Israelis voted on 27 October 2026 for all 120 Knesset seats, the first election since the Hamas-led attack of 7 October 2023 and the war that followed. It is widely seen as a referendum on Benjamin Netanyahu’s long tenure as prime minister.

Did Netanyahu lose the election?
Pre-election polling put the opposition bloc at roughly 52 projected seats against about 50 for Netanyahu’s religious-nationalist alliance, with neither side projected to reach the 61 needed for a majority. The actual count determines nothing on its own; coalition talks do.

Who leads the opposition to Netanyahu?
Four parties, Yashar, the Democrats, Yisrael Beytenu and the Together alliance, signed a non-aggression pact in September 2026 to try to unseat Netanyahu. Yashar’s Gadi Eisenkot is seen as the likeliest prime ministerial candidate, with Naftali Bennett of Together also mentioned.

Why do Arab-led parties matter so much in this election?
The Joint List and Ra’am, which represent Palestinian citizens of Israel, are projected to win around 13 seats combined. With neither major bloc projected to reach 61 seats alone, those seats could decide who ends up forming a government.

How is Israel’s prime minister actually chosen?
Not directly by voters. Israel uses proportional representation, so Knesset members negotiate alliances after the vote until one side can command 61 seats. No party has ever won an outright majority on its own.

What happens if no coalition can be formed?
Israel would likely face another election, and Netanyahu would remain as caretaker prime minister until a new government is sworn in. That scenario has played out more than once in Israeli politics over the past decade.

For related coverage, see our reports on the proposed window for Russia-Ukraine peace talks and Venezuela’s own contested transition.

The Knesset building, the venue for Israel election coalition math negotiations after the 2026 vote

Gaza Just Got a $2.45 Billion Rebuild Plan — and No Start Date

The US-backed Board of Peace has put a price on the first step of rebuilding Gaza. On Wednesday,
23 September 2026, its governors unveiled a six-month, $2.45 billion Gaza reconstruction plan
covering 66 projects. The blueprint arrived at a meeting in New York on the sidelines of the UN General
Assembly. It came with no start date. Almost everything in it depends on steps that have not happened yet.

What the Gaza reconstruction plan contains

The first phase targets the most urgent gaps. Its 66 projects span infrastructure, education and health,
according to the Associated Press.
They are designed to support President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan to end the Israel-Hamas war.

The board framed the first phase as a down payment, not the whole bill. "The need is immense,"
it said. It estimates that repairing Gaza’s physical damage will cost about $35.2 billion over the medium
term. It adds another $71.4 billion over the next ten years.

Those figures come from the board itself. No independent audit of Gaza’s damage accompanied them.

Collapsed buildings on Wehda Street, one of the sites the Gaza reconstruction plan must eventually address
Whole streets in Gaza City remain rubble almost a year after the ceasefire began.

Why no start date came with the money

The plan hinges on disarmament. Nikolay Mladenov, the board’s high representative, has said progress
depends largely on Hamas giving up its weapons. The group has so far refused.

In July, Hamas and other Palestinian factions agreed a document setting out a disarmament process,
Al Jazeera reported.
Implementation has not followed. Mladenov was blunt about timing. "We are not bound by a calendar,"
he said. "We want to make sure that this works."

Mladenov has also pressed Israel to scale back its military operation. That pressure matters, because the
ceasefire framework rests on both sides moving at once.

How far Gaza is from reconstruction today

The ceasefire took effect on 10 October. It was meant to open the way for Israeli withdrawals, an
international peacekeeping force and a new apolitical Palestinian administration. Most of that is still
waiting.

  • The Israeli military has expanded its control and now occupies about 60% of the territory, the AP reports.
  • The international force and the new government have not entered Gaza.
  • Reconstruction has not begun.
  • Most Palestinians still live in tent camps or in the ruins of former homes.

Violence continues too. On the day the plan was unveiled, Israeli strikes killed seven Palestinians
across the enclave, according to Al Jazeera, citing local medics. Israel said one strike killed a senior
Hamas finance official. That claim comes from the Israeli prime minister’s office alone.

The scale of what the money must cover is hard to overstate. The board itself calls the need immense.
Its own estimate runs to $35.2 billion for medium-term repairs and $71.4 billion over a decade. Against
those figures, the $2.45 billion first phase is a start, not a solution. And even the first phase waits
on a political breakthrough that has not come.

The diplomatic pressure around the Gaza reconstruction plan

The plan landed in a week of sharp criticism of Israel at the General Assembly. Leaders of the United
Kingdom, France and Canada said Israeli settlement policy in the West Bank blocks a two-state solution.
UN Secretary-General António Guterres said the UN must be allowed to perform its mandates in Gaza. Our
report on Guterres’s warnings at this year’s Assembly
covers that speech in more detail.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, whose country signed the ceasefire, said rebuilding must start
"as soon as possible". Earlier doubts about the whole framework are set out in our analysis of
criticism of the Gaza ceasefire plan.

Three tests before any rebuilding starts

The board now has to answer harder questions than cost. Watch for three signals.

  1. A disarmament timetable. Without one, donors have little reason to release funds.
  2. Deployment of the stabilisation force. Uganda has approved sending troops. No force has yet crossed into Gaza.
  3. Building materials at the crossings. Cement, steel and machinery must enter at scale before any of the 66 projects can begin.

Regional security adds another layer of risk. Recent missile fire toward Saudi Arabia, covered in our report on the
Riyadh missile attack, shows how quickly
the wider Middle East picture can shift. For now, the $2.45 billion sits on paper.

Questions readers are asking

How much does the Gaza reconstruction plan cost?

The first phase costs about $2.45 billion and runs for six months. It covers 66 projects in infrastructure, education and health. The Board of Peace puts full physical reconstruction far higher: roughly $35.2 billion over the medium term and another $71.4 billion over ten years.

When will reconstruction start?

No start date has been set. The board’s high representative, Nikolay Mladenov, said the plan depends on Hamas disarming, and that the board is not bound by a calendar.

Who runs the Board of Peace?

The Board of Peace is the US-backed body created under President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan to end the Israel-Hamas war. Nikolay Mladenov serves as its high representative.

Has the ceasefire held?

The ceasefire that took effect on 10 October halted the heaviest fighting. Violence has not stopped. Al Jazeera reported that Israeli attacks killed seven Palestinians on the day the plan was unveiled.

Who controls Gaza on the ground?

According to the Associated Press, the Israeli military now occupies about 60% of the territory. The planned international force and the new Palestinian technocratic government have not entered Gaza.

What would unlock the money?

Three things sit on the critical path: Hamas disarmament, deployment of the international stabilisation force, and steady entry of building materials. None is in place yet.

Sources

  • Associated Press via PBS News — Trump’s Board of Peace proposes $2.45 billion blueprint to begin Gaza reconstruction. pbs.org
  • Al Jazeera — Board of Peace plans $2.4bn Gaza reconstruction as Israel kills seven. aljazeera.com

Images: featured photo by Felton Davis (public domain); in-article photo by Hla.bashbash, licensed CC BY.

NAZA Documentary Venice Prize Sparks Israeli Citizenship Row

Israel’s culture minister, Miki Zohar, said he would move to revoke the citizenship of filmmakers Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor after their Gaza documentary took a Special Jury Prize at the Venice Film Festival. The NAZA documentary Venice prize was announced at the festival’s closing ceremony; within days the minister had called the film vile, described the award as shocking, and said the pair’s actions amounted to treason against the state.

The statement and who made it

Zohar holds the culture and sport portfolio in the Israeli government and has previously intervened in funding and platform decisions involving Israeli film. His statement, carried by Israeli and international outlets on 13 and 14 September, named both directors and framed the award as a reward for betraying the country.

Abraham is not an unknown quantity in Israeli public debate. He co-directed No Other Land, which won the Academy Award for best documentary feature, and he has been a persistent critic of Israeli policy in the occupied territories. Szor was a cinematographer on that film. The Times of Israel logged the minister’s call in its liveblog; Deadline reported the same demand from the trade side.

What the film claims

NAZA runs 80 minutes. According to the festival’s official synopsis, it examines Israel’s use of AI-assisted targeting systems during the Gaza war, including a system referred to as Lavender, and argues that those systems produced mass civilian casualties. The film received a lengthy standing ovation at its premiere, reported at around 25 minutes.

Those are the filmmakers’ and the festival’s characterisations, and they should be read as such. Israel has consistently rejected the claim that it deliberately targets civilians in Gaza and has said its targeting process includes human review. The existence of AI-assisted target generation in the Gaza campaign has been reported by Israeli and international outlets since 2024; the disputed question is what weight those systems carried in decisions and what review they received. A documentary prize does not settle that dispute, and this report does not attempt to.

Speaking to Haaretz, the directors said they intend to distribute the film inside Israel — which would move the argument from a festival in Venice to Israeli cinemas and regulators.

Whether the threat can be carried out

Probably not by the person making it. Israeli citizenship law does not give the culture ministry any role in revocation. The power sits with the interior minister, on limited statutory grounds including breach of loyalty to the state, and its use requires a court. Israeli courts have treated the provision as exceptional and have been reluctant to leave people stateless, which international law disfavours.

So the realistic reading is that the statement is political rather than procedural: a signal to a domestic audience, and pressure on distributors, broadcasters and funding bodies that do answer to the culture ministry. That second effect is the one worth watching, because it does not need a court.

A pattern, not a one-off

Ministerial responses to Israeli films that criticise the conduct of the war have become routine since No Other Land‘s Oscar, ranging from funding threats to calls for boycotts of ceremonies. Meanwhile the diplomatic environment around Israel has tightened: several Western governments have moved on trade measures tied to settlements, and the Gaza war continues to shape votes at the United Nations.

What makes this case sharper is the target. Stripping citizenship is not a funding decision or a rhetorical boycott; it is a proposal to remove a person’s legal membership of the state because of the content of a film. Even as an unenforceable demand, it sets a marker that press-freedom groups are likely to contest.

What follows: watch for whether the interior ministry says anything at all, whether Israeli distributors take the film, and whether the attorney general’s office comments on the legality of the demand. Any of those three would turn a statement into a process.

Reader questions

What is NAZA?

An 80-minute documentary about the Gaza war by Israeli filmmakers Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, which won a Special Jury Prize at the 2026 Venice Film Festival.

What did Israel’s culture minister say?

Miki Zohar said he would act to revoke the two directors’ Israeli citizenship, called the film vile and the award shocking, and said their conduct constituted treason.

Can a culture minister revoke citizenship in Israel?

No. Revocation runs through the interior minister on narrow statutory grounds and requires a court. The culture ministry has no role in the process.

What does the film allege?

According to the festival synopsis, it examines Israel’s use of AI-assisted targeting systems in Gaza, including one referred to as Lavender, and argues they produced mass civilian casualties. Israel rejects the claim that it deliberately targets civilians.

Have these filmmakers won awards before?

Yuval Abraham co-directed No Other Land, which won the Academy Award for best documentary feature; Rachel Szor worked on that film as a cinematographer.

Will the film be shown in Israel?

The directors have said they intend to distribute it there. Whether Israeli distributors and cinemas take it is unresolved.

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